Good article on Census 2011 in India

CENSUS 2011

CENSUS DETAIL IN URDU

http://dawatonline.com/Archive_Page8.aspx?sDate=16-apr-2010

CENSUS INDIA WEBSITE ADDRESS

http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011-Schedule/Index.html

This is the mail from Aariz mohammaed of Hyderabad. he is the Co-Ordinator of Center For Social Justice. for any query we can contact him on aariz_mohammed@yahoo.co.in.

The Census Registrar is not asking 'Religion' of the subjects. The two schedules ie. Houselisting and Housing Census Schedule -A & B, National Population Register [NPR]- Household Schedule - A&B Which were part of the attached here with this mail were not having the column of Religion.

Houselisting and Housing Census Schedule - B had a column No 15 asking about SC / ST Status with a note.


There are supposed to be Three Schedules

1. is Houselisting and Housing Census Schedule

2. is Household Schedule

3. is House hold Schedule part of National Population Register.

The manuals and the other files kept at http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011-Schedule/Index.html

was not having the '2'nd one. The missed Schedule is having 7th column as 'Religion'.


The columns of this Schedule are :

1. Name of the person and residential status

2. Relationship to head

3. Sex

4. Date of Birth

5. Current martial status

6. Age at Marriage

7. Religion

8. SC / ST

9. Mother Tongue

10. Other Languages Known

11. Literacy status

12. Highest educational level attained

13. Status of attendance

14. Disability

15, 16 : Characteristics of Workers and non-workers

17. Occupation

18. Nature of Industry, trade or service

19. Class of worker

20. Non Economic Activity

21. Seeking or available for work

22 - 25 : Migration Characteristics

26 - 28 : Fertility Particulars.

If this is a problem of uploading the website, it is ok. Or else, this will be a great set back to religious communities who are awaiting to have their data on different developmental parameters.

We have to check with the Regional Census Commissioner about this.

Shukria,

AarizMohammed

Resolution of Jamaat center advisory council

The five day session of the Central Advisory Council of Jamaat-E-Islami Hind concluded here today in Markaz Jamaat-E-Islami Hind ; it was presided by the president Maulana Syed Jalaluddin Umari. The session was attended by the following CAC members: Messrs: M. Shafi Moonis, Abdul Haq Ansari, Siddique Hassan, Mohd. Jafar, Nusrat Ali, Syed Ghulam Akbar, M. Rafat, Hasan Raza, S. Qasim Rasool Ilyas, M. Yusuf Islahi, T.K. Abdullah, Ejaz Ahmed Aslam, S.M. Malik, H.A. Raqeeb, Enggr. M. Saleem and S. Aminul Hasan. The special invitees who attended were Messrs: M. Rafeeq qasmi, Iqbal Mullah, Abdul Basit Anwar, Shiekh M. Mujtaba Farooque and Ashfaque Ahmad. The CAC deliberated on its annul agenda and also issued a number of resolutions on the current situation. RESOLUTIONS 1) Rising Prices: The CAC expressed its grave concern on the alarming rise in prices, especially of essential commodities in the CAC’s views this is due to the faulty economic policies of the Government and also due to insufficient and half hearted measures to control the price rise. The pressure of the imperialist capitalism, trade based on speculation and hoarding are the main causes which should be countered to control the price rise. The CAC demands a comprehensive reorientation of economic policies in tune with the welfare of the people. The state should not succumb to the pressure of multinationals, the World Bank or IMF. The government should curb wastage of public money by ministers and officials. Those taxes which contribute to price rise should be avoided. The CAC is apprehensive that if not controlled effectively, the price rise may lead to wide spread unrest. 2) Women Reservation Bill: The present form of the women reservation Bill, as passed in the Rajya Sabha is not acceptable. The apprehension of Muslim and other underrepresented sections is correct that the bill is its present form will lead to further decrease in their representation in legislative bodies. The CAC regards the demand of sub-quota for these sections as a necessary competent of the envisaged reservation and supports the introduction of such a quota. 3) Clash of Naxals and the state machinery: The grave situation of widespread clash of the Naxalites with the state machinery constitutes a grave challenge to the country. The measures adopted by the government i.e. operation Green-Hunt and Salwa Judam are not the proper way to deal with the situation; rather the root causes should be identified. The state policies are the major reason for the popular unrest. The large scale operations of foreign companies, introduction of SEZ and allotment of Adivasis land to them are the cause of public apprehension. Hence the state a) Should take appropriate steps to remove the tribal apprehensions b) Should make public the details of MOUs signed with foreign companies. c) Should recognize people’s right to their land and d) Should not adopt blatantly illegal measures like Salwa Judam. It should not violate human rights. e) The state should let human rights groups freely work in the affected areas. The CAC exhorts the Maoists to recognize the futility of violent means; they are not permissible. Instead they should adopt the path of peaceful mass struggle including negotiations. 4. Ranganath Misra Commission: The recommendations of Ranganath Misra Commission should be accepted which suggests 10% reservation for Muslims and 5% for other minorities. The alternative suggestions of providing a sub-quota, within OBC quota, is not acceptable. The Sachar report clearly demonstrates that Muslims have lagged behind. Hence the Misra Commission’s proposal under Article 15(14) and 16(4) is a necessary one. Doing this, the government will serve the ends of justice. The CAC also demands the implementation of other measures suggested by Rangnath Misra Commission. 5. Communal Violence Bill The Bill in its present form fails to meet its objectives. Without proper safe guards, more powers to police and administration would be harmful to the weaker sections. The CAC demands a reorientation of the bill after consultation with Muslims, Sikhs, Christians and other affected sections. Police should be made accountable. If the administration is unable to control riots, it should be held responsible. Relief and compensation should be even handed. Anti riots force with proper representation of all sections, should be formed. Otherwise the bill will be unacceptable. 6. Security Government apprehension regarding security not standing, the measures adopted by it are themselves a cause of misgiving. The American and Israeli agencies role is getting murkier, they obviously their own interest. Harassment of common people is increasing as they are subjected to multiple checkings through sophisticated gadgets. The taxpayers’ money is spent on such gimmicks. The concerned ministry should adopt a realistic approach which relies on its own resources. It should involve the citizens and should improve its own system, rather than rely on foreign agencies, in a sector as sensitive as security. 7. Indo-Pak Relation Inspite of diplomatic and other ties, the relation between the two neighbours are unusually tense; especially after 2008 Mumbai incident. The Indian government regards the groups in Pakistan responsible for disrupting acts while Pakistan itself is facing terror activities. The Bangalore incident was simultaneous with blasts in Pakistan. The situation of the two countries is thus similar. Hence, they should cooperate to tackle the problem. Growing tensions are not in the interest of any of the two neighbours. The CAC appeals both to officials and to public figures to improve relations and adopt formal as well as informal channels. To usher peace and progress and to counter imperialism, co-existence in their region is indispensible. 8. Sanctions Against Iran Iran has reiterated that its nuclear programme is for peaceful purposes. Even then USA and allies insist on imposing sanctions against it, get a gain. This is manifesting unjust. The Tehran conference clearly demonstrated Iran’s willingness to respect the world opinion; the conference was attended by representation of sixty countries including China, Russia and India. The independent countries including India oppose any sections or other measures against Iran. The group of four countries (China, Russia, India and Brazil) have rejected military action against Iran. A negotiation is the only way out for the problem, if any. The CAC supports this stance. America and its allies intend to weaken an independent and self respecting Muslim country, as part of their ill concerned “war on terror”. In that name, they are out to malign Islam and the Muslim community. The CAC strongly condemns this biased attitude. It appeals to the government of India to use its good offices and persuade USA to desist from adventurous measures. The CAC appeals to UNO Secretary General not to let the UN become a puppet of America. 9. Palestine The Israeli atrocities are on rise. But the world opinion and UNO are mostly silent and indifferent or ineffective. New Jewish settlements in east Jerusalem and occupied territories are most condemnable. Inspite of formal condemnation by USA and UNO, Israelis going ahead with this aggression. Even Hillary Clinton has turned it as an obstacle to peace in the region. The CAC charges America and allies as being responsible for the unjust situation, they have been constantly tolerating Israel’s excesses. The murder of Hamas leader was ignored by USA. The UK took note of it only when the matter of the forged passport surfaced. The CAC appeals to the Indian government to use diplomatic channels to check Israel and restrain it from constructing new settlements. The Indian masses should protest against Israel’s excesses. Arab counties should extend substantive help to Palestine. Gaza siege should end. Egypt should open its borders for humanitarians measures.

Reject Tendulkar Committee report on Poverty Line

Reject Tendulkar Committee report on BPL

The Planning Commission has recently cleared the path to approve the suggestions of the Tendulkar committee it had appointed to estimate the number of people below the poverty line. The National Food Security Act (NFSA) likely to be placed in the Parliament promises food security to people living below the poverty line at a very subsidized rate. The NFSA will estimate the number of poor on the basis of the Tendulkar report and will provide food security to this population.The Tendulkar report has estimated that 37.2% Indians to be below the Poverty Line which translates as 25.7 % in urban India and 41.8% in rural India. The Tendulkar committee has moved away from the traditional Calorific value to Poverty Line Basket (PLB) and has redefined Poverty Line from the earlier Rs.11/14 to Rs.15/19 per person per day for rural/urban expenditure. The PLB has also reduced the calories intake from 2400/2100 rural/urban to 1770 for all. The Tendulkar report have resorted to “Goal Post shifting”. For 40 years we had been using the Calorific values to estimate poverty line, the Tendulkar committee has although rightly moved away from it to include costs such as health, education and clothing and not only food items but it has drastically reduced the calories. Infact the sum of the cost of food items in the Poverty Line Basket is less than Rs.11 which is less than the earlier rural Poverty line.It is interesting to note that two other Expert Groups i.e Saxena Committee and Arjun Sengupta Committee have arrived at different and almost conflicting results in estimation of poverty.
Tendulkar committee estimates the number of poor as 37.2% whereas Saxena Committee estimates the number of poor to be 50.1%. Infact Arjun Sengupta Committee has a startling revelation that the sections of our society termed as “Poor and Vulnerable” constitute 77% of the Indian population who cannot afford to spend Rs20 per person per day. They are in stark contradiction to what has been estimated and proposed by Tendulkar committee. The Poverty line identification by Tendulkar of Rs 15/19 per person per day for rural/urban India is nothing but a “Starvation Line”.The whole exercise by the Planning Commission and the UPA to push for a Food Security program which will not ensure the Right to Food of the poor casts serious doubts on the intention of the GoI to meet the UN’s Millennium Development Goals of mitigating poverty. India ranks 2 digits and 3 digits in various Human Development Indices. Nearly 45% of our children and nearly 75% women suffer from malnutrition. It is worth noting here that the Food bill is inversely proportional to the Health bill. The more we spend on food the less we spend on health. So this is a zero sum situation.Under these circumstances, the Movement for Peace and Justice rejects the Tendulkar report and calls upon the UPA Government to be sensitive to the basic concerns of the poor. We demand the following from the Government of India:1. Reject the recommendations of Tendulkar Committee report. Instead refer the Arjun Sengupta report for estimation of poverty.2. Establish Right to Food on the lines of Right to Education. By accepting Arjun Sengupta’s estimation of poverty we will be gradually moving towards achieving the goal of Right to Food.3. Redefine poverty line on the basis of World Bank’s recommendation of $1.25 for extreme poverty for sub Saharan region. Raise the poverty line to Rs.1,50,000 per household per annum.
4. Conduct a poverty census on the basis of the poverty line advised by WB to identify people living below the poverty line.5. We strongly condemn and reject the reduction of food entitlement from 35kg / family to 25 kg / family.6. We demand the Universalization of food, health, education and employment as suggested by Saxena committee.MPJ pledge to continue the awareness campaign and our protest against the move by the Planning Commission & the GoI to use the recommendations of Tendulkar report until all our demands are met.

audf chief interview

April.04 : Maulana Badruddin Ajmal is arguably the most significant Muslim political figure in the country, having pulled in impressive political gains in Assembly and Lok Sabha elections. Mr Ajmal has a business base in Mumbai from where he runs his perfume industry whose products go to many countries. Mr Ajmal is also a Fazil-e-Deoband (equivalent to the MA degree), and a member of the advisory board of Darul Uloom, Deoband,
internationally famous centre of Islamic learning. In an interview with Manoj Anand he asks if Muslims can follow Hindu leaders from several parties, why can’t Hindus do the same.

Q. Your family has engaged in social work in Assam for long, but what made you launch a political party, the Assam United Democratic Front (AUDF), in 2006?
A. In Assam, the minorities are not only held guilty in the name of terrorism, but also face harassment and political blackmail with the charge that they are Bangladeshi. They have been facing an identity crisis which is more painful than poverty. This has a cascading effect. They are not able to clearly think about their problems and work for possible solutions.

Q. What do you mean by blackmail?
A. The ghost of Bangladeshi migrants appears just before an election and polarises the electorate on the religious line. The Congress has been the biggest beneficiary of this. Muslims were forced to believe that only the Congress can protect them. Instead of educating and empowering them with domicile certificates, the Congress used them as their votebank in elections. I can tell you that in Assam the minorities would henceforth support us.

Q. What has been the role of AUDF in dealing with the issues facing the minorities?
A. We launched the party a few months before the 2006 Assembly election. Coincidentally, the Supreme Court scrapped the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunal) Act shortly after AUDF was launched. The way the scrapping of the act was publicised among the Muslims led to a surcharged atmosphere. Again communal polarisation was attempted.
The ruling Congress Party was playing the role of a silent spectator, as if it was waiting for a volcano to erupt. We decided to intervene, met people from both communities, and consulted regional forces and students’ bodies to defuse the situation. This was a turning point. We won the faith of the people. In Assam the minorities will now support us. This is against the general practice of Muslims going with ruling parties.

Q. Your party did well in the 2006 Assembly election and the 2009 Lok Sabha election. However, AUDF has been accused of being a political party of Muslims.
A. This party is not for Muslims alone. We have named it the United Democratic Front. Yes, Muslims have their specific problems. But there are other minorities that are also oppressed. Of the 71 seats we contested in 2006, we gave tickets to 26 non-Muslims from other minorities. They belong to different classes and tribes.

Q. The pattern of population growth in Assam indicates large-scale migration of Muslims from Bangladesh. You can have a potential vested interest in that process.
A. I am not denying that there has been migration from Bangladesh. But let us not ignore the migration of Muslims from the neighbouring hill states in the same period. This also inflated Muslim population numbers. People don’t look at this. And we have not protected Bangladeshi migrants. We advocate deportation of foreigners who came after March 25, 1971, the cut-off date under the Assam Accord. But don’t harass Indian citizens.

Q. Why did you feel the need for a party floated by Assam Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind?
A. Everybody knows about the secular and nationalistic approach of Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind, which is the guiding force behind the AUDF. I am proud that a large number of non-Muslims are supporting us. I want to tell you that I might not have won the Dhubri Lok Sabha seat if more than one lakh Hindu voters had not voted for me. In the name of secularism all parties are cheating the Muslims. If crores of Muslims can come under the leadership of Hindus, why can’t Hindus come with a party led by Muslim leaders?

Q. You have been called a communal leader.
A. Yes, Assam chief minister Tarun Gogoi has called me that. But that is only after we launched the AUDF. In the 2001 Assembly election, the Congress took my support in my capacity as the leader of Assam Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind. But now I am involved in educating the minority voters about their rights and giving them a fair chance to assert their political rights.
We have 10 MLAs of whom two are non-Muslims. In the first election we contested in 2006, 12 of our candidates lost by a very small margin — ranging from 48 to 2,500 votes. Eight of them were non-Muslim. We have directly affected the Congress Party in 18 seats. All the seats that we have won were previously held by the Congress. In the Lok Sabha elections, the Congress lost its Silchar seat because of the AUDF. We won the Dhubri Parliament seat and were second in Karimganj. Now our adversaries — the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party — have no option but to target the AUDF with false propaganda.

Q. Experiments in other states to have a party with a Muslim core failed before the last Parliament election, for example the attempt in Azamgarh in Uttar Pradesh. How is AUDF different from these?
A. In Azamgarh, a party was formed in reaction to the Batala House encounter in which Amir Rashid’s son was killed. The AUDF was not formed in reaction to a particular episode. We have an objective and a manifesto for the welfare of down-trodden and deprived sections of minorities. We are here to fight a long battle with certain principles.

Q. Are there plans to extend the AUDF to other states?
A. We do have plans to expand the party at the national level, but not in a hurry. We are preparing to make our presence felt in West Bengal where we would like to go with Trinamul Congress. Our party has already started doing its homework with the local leaders. The AUDF has already begun work in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. We intend to expand our base in these two states in the coming days. In the Northeast, we had contested elections in alliance with the Trinamul Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party.

Interview of the Week
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Jihad fatwa not valid in today’s world: Scholars

Muslim Meet Recasts Old Text, Refutes Terror Groups
Paris: Prominent Muslim scholars have recast a famous medieval fatwa on jihad, arguing the religious edict radical Islamists often cite to justify killing cannot be used in a globalised world that respects faith and civil rights. A conference in Mardin in southeastern Turkey declared that the fatwa by 14th century scholar Ibn Taymiyya rules out militant violence and the medieval Muslim division of the world into a “house of Islam’’ and “house of unbelief ’’ no longer applies. Osama bin Laden has quoted Ibn Taymiyya’s ‘Mardin fatwa’ repeatedly in his calls for Muslims to overthrow the Saudi monarchy and wage jihad against the US. Referring to that historic document, the weekend conference said: “Anyone who seeks support from this fatwa for killing Muslims or non-Muslims has erred in his interpretation.It is not for a Muslim individual or a Muslim group to announce and declare war or engage in combative jihad...on their own.’’ The declaration was issued on Sunday in Arabic and later provided to Reuters in English. The declaration is the latest bid by mainstream scholars to use age-old Muslim texts to refute current-day religious arguments by Islamist groups. A leading Pakistani scholar issued a 600-page fatwa against terrorism in London early this month. Another declaration in Dubai this month concerned peace in Somalia. Such fatwas may not convince militants, but could help keep undecided Muslims from supporting them, the scholars say.
The Mardin conference gathered 15 leading scholars from countries including Saudi Arabia, Turkey, India, Senegal, Kuwait, Iran, Morocco and Indonesia. Among them were Bosnian grand mufti Mustafa Ceric, Sheikh Abdullah bin Bayyah of Mauritania and Yemeni Sheikh Habib Ali al-Jifri. Ibn Taymiyya’s Mardin fatwa is a classic text for militants who say it allows Muslims to declare other Muslims infidels and wage war on them. AGENCIES

http://epaper.timesofindia.com/Repository/ml.asp?Ref=VE9JTS8yMDEwLzA0LzAxI0FyMDAxMDA=&Mode=HTML&Locale=english-skin-custom

Government in a cleft stick on Muslim reservation

We are yet to take a view on Ranganath Misra report, says Khursheed
The Muslim demand for a separate 10 per cent quota in education and jobs, as recommended by the Ranganath Misra Commission, has placed the government in a ‘damned if you do, damned if you don't' situation. The dilemma came through clearly in the ministerial speeches at Wednesday's daylong conference of the State Minorities Commissions organised here Wednesday by the National Commission for Minorities.
Both Home Minister P. Chidambaram, who inaugurated the conference, and Minister of State for Minority Affairs Salman Khursheed, who was the guest of honour, reiterated the United Progressive Alliance government's commitment to provide reservation to the minorities. Yet neither touched upon the Commission's specific recommendation of a 10 per cent quota for Muslims within an overall reservation of 15 per cent for the minorities.
Mr. Chidambaram described reservation as “perhaps the most effective instrument of affirmative action.” He said his personal view was reservation fulfilled the requirement of affirmative action best. However, there was need to debate how this objective could be met for the minorities. The Constitution sanctioned reservation for the “socially and educationally backward,” but issues such as compartmentalising reservation and the mandate to keep quotas within a ceiling had also to be considered, he said.
Mr. Kursheed pointed out that the Congress manifesto committed the party to providing reservation for Muslims. This resolve was strengthened by the Sachar Committee conclusively establishing the community's backwardness, he said, holding up Tamil Nadu as a model to follow. (The State has an exclusive 3.5 per cent reservation for Muslims, but within the Backward Classes quota).
Later, Mr. Khursheed told The Hindu that the government was yet to take a view on the Misra Commission report. “As matters stand, the OBC route is open for Muslim reservation.” Going beyond this had implications which required careful consideration. Even in the States that granted Muslims a separate quota, the criterion was “backwardness” and the path was the OBC route.
At a press conference on Tuesday, an umbrella group of Muslim organisations said the community would not accept any formula that adjusted it within the existing 27 per cent OBC quota. The organisations were agreeable to exclusion of the creamy layer but not to any dilution of the 10 per cent exclusive quota.
The governments' dilemma is two-fold. Exclusive reservation for Muslims, even with a “creamy layer” condition, could pose constitutional problems, not to mention the strong opposition it will invite from the BJP. On the other hand, incorporating an expanded Muslim quota in the OBC reservation will cut into the OBC entitlements, pitting the Congress and the government against the powerful OBC lobby.


http://beta.thehindu.com/news/national/article347241.ece

Chidambaram, Khurshid sing differnt tune on Reservation

Chidambaram, Khurshid strike different note on reservation
Agencies Posted online: Wednesday, Mar 31, 2010 at 1927 hrs
New Delhi : Home Minister P Chidamabaram on Wednesday said reservation was perhaps the most effective instrument of affirmative action but his colleague Salman Khurshid felt the need to go beyond with the country moving into a different development paradigm.
"If there is a better instrument we should certainly debate that instrument but I believe that reservation is perhaps the most effective instrument for affirmative action that we have today," said Chidambaram addressing the conference of state minority commissions here.
Minority Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid, whose ministry is the nodal ministry looking after the Rangnath Misra Commission report that advocated reservations for Muslims and other minorities, however, struck a different note.
"Now that India is moving into a different development paradigm and a different economic paradigm, we need to go beyond reservation. The affirmative action that has been considered at the PM's initiative for the SCs and STs can also be used for the benefit of backwards among minorities and minorities generally," Khurshid said.
He said the process for this affirmative action has already begun and cited the 15-point Programme as an example.
"Now in banking sector, we are looking at 13 per cent priority sector loans going to minorities this year. 15 per cent is our target. Similarly, other development funds that goes out from the Centre are also subjected to a financial and physical target of 15 per cent. This will have its own impact," he said.
Chidambaram said the debate on reservation is ongoing -- what are the limits of reservation, what are the opportunities that are being thrown open by reservation, what are goals that can be achieved through reservation. The debate will not end soon, he said.
He said reservation has three aspects -- the first is the issue of reservation for socially, educationally and economically backward classes which are sanctified in the Constitution,
the second is the desirability and need for compartmental reservation and
the third is the ceiling on reservation as placed by the Supreme Court.
"I think the debate on reservation must take into account all these aspects and we must find ways and means by which reservation can be used as an instrument to advance affirmative action," he said.
Incidentally, Congress and the government has so far remained ambivalent on the issue of implementation of the Rangnath Misra Commission report.
http://www.indianexpress.com/story-print/598285/